System card.

1,632,823 shared lot lines and 182,350 road segments, so a question can be about what a property is NEXT TO rather than only about what it is. 1,104,769 of these parcels carry the county's own assessed value.

Source Published parcel files, Hennepin, Ramsey, Dakota, Anoka, Washington, Scott and Carver Counties, Minnesota.

In full Coverage stops at the metro's edge — the 7 counties named above, and nothing beyond them. Inside that boundary the layers are not all the same width: parcels, lot lines, roads and recorded sale prices cover all 7, while the census profiles and everything built on reviews cover Hennepin and Ramsey only. Where a layer is narrower than this one the model says which counties it has rather than answering from the two it knows best.

Of the 513,839 in Hennepin and Ramsey, 182,119 are screened to clean comps — arms-length by the county's own sale code, not a condominium unit, and the only parcel carrying its price and month, so no multi-parcel deed is counted as one building's price. That screen is not built for the five outer counties yet.

Source All 7 counties publish the sale price and date per parcel. Minnesota is a disclosure state, so these are recorded transactions rather than estimates — most states publish nothing. 66 municipalities in Hennepin and Ramsey alone.

In full A recorded price is what closed, not what is available today. No public record carries asking prices, days on market, rent rolls or cap rates. And it is one sale per parcel — the last recorded transfer, which can be decades old, so the date has to be read before the price is used.

1880-2026. Median property dates to 1962; median commercial property to 1969. Busiest year on record is 1955 at 10,878 properties.

Source The assessor's year built, Hennepin and Ramsey Counties, Minnesota. Complete through 2024.

Verbatim, to the model THREE THINGS THIS COUNT IS NOT. (1) It counts PROPERTIES the assessor dates, not buildings: condominium and co-op units are dropped so a tower counts once, but a site with several buildings still counts as the parcels it is split into. (2) The year 1900 is excluded from every figure here because both counties write it when they do not know — it was running about thirty times the neighbouring years. (3) The last 2 years are INCOMPLETE, because a building enters the assessor's file after it is finished. Never read the final years as a market signal; the building-permit series below is a different agency counting a different thing and is the check for that.

2,400 districts from the two cities' own planning files, last edited Minneapolis 2026-08-14, Saint Paul 2026-07-31. Checked back against the counties: on 29,530 parcels the county's own address string and the city's polygon agree about which city the parcel is in, and disagree on 3.

Source City of Minneapolis Planning_Primary_Zoning and City of Saint Paul Zoning/Principal Zoning.

Verbatim, to the model ZONING IS NOT PERMISSION. It is the district a city has drawn over a parcel, which sets what may be built there as of right — a specific project can still need a conditional use permit, a variance or a rezoning, and this file holds none of those. IT IS ALSO NOT THE WHOLE RULE: overlay districts are what actually decide height and form in both cities — Minneapolis's built-form overlay, Saint Paul's river corridor, floodplain and sign overlays — and none of them are here. This is the PRINCIPAL district only. TWO CITIES, TWO VOCABULARIES, DELIBERATELY NOT MERGED: `RM1`, `RM2` and `RM3` exist in both Minneapolis and Saint Paul and mean different things in each (Minneapolis RM2 is Residence Office and Services; Saint Paul RM2 is Medium-Density Multiple-Family Residential), so a code is only a key together with its city, and no ladder maps one city's districts onto the other's. Filter on the CODE rather than the name: the cities label a handful of their own polygons inconsistently and those labels ship verbatim rather than being tidied. A PARCEL WITH NO ZONING HERE IS NOT AN UNZONED PARCEL — it is a parcel outside these two cities. Zoning in this metro is municipal and neither county publishes a county-wide layer, so this covers Minneapolis and Saint Paul only, which is part of two counties out of the metro's seven. `split_zoned` says a second district covers more than 5% of the lot; on those parcels the single district named here is the one over the centroid and it is not the whole answer.

1,020,705 structures over 450 sq ft, each assigned to the parcel whose boundary contains it. Six of these seven counties publish no commercial building area at all, which is why the number is derived rather than pulled. It is calibrated against the one that does: 2,455 commercial buildings whose finished area a county publishes and this source never saw. Checked a second way against every county's own live map service, asked in a different coordinate system: 96 of 96 sampled buildings came back on the parcel we had put them on.

Source FEMA USA Structures (FEMA Response Geospatial Office, Oak Ridge National Laboratory, USGS), CC BY 4.0.

Verbatim, to the model A FOOTPRINT IS NOT A FINISHED AREA. The measured number in this file is the plan area of a building's outline, from FEMA's national structure inventory. Gross building area is that footprint times a storey count, and NO source published here publishes storeys — they are inferred from a height that exists on about seven structures in ten and comes from a single 2012 collection the publisher itself flags as unverified. Every row carries a `method` saying which rule produced it, and `calibration` carries the measured error of each rule against the counties' own published areas. THIS IS NOT THE ASSESSOR'S FIGURE. Six of the seven counties in this market publish no commercial building area at all, which is why this file exists; a board, an underwriter or a lender asking for the county's number will not accept a derived one, and the one county that does publish it (Dakota) is the number to quote there. A parcel absent from this file has no structure over 450 sq ft that we could place inside its boundary — which is not the same as vacant.

26,356 published flood zone polygons across 18 separate FEMA studies — more studies than counties, because a study is not a county and a city on a county line is mapped under its neighbour's. Each parcel is assigned the zone its centroid falls inside. Beyond the mandatory-insurance line the map also draws a 0.2% annual chance band — the 500-year floodplain — and 7,129 parcels here are in it: outside the zone that triggers a policy, and not dry.

Source https://hazards.fema.gov/arcgis/rest/services/public/NFHL/MapServer/28, Public domain (17 U.S.C. §105 — a work of the United States Government).

Verbatim, to the model FEMA's flood map, joined to 1,131,523 of 1,131,534 parcels in the seven counties; 21,214 of them sit in a Special Flood Hazard Area. THE ZONE IS FEMA'S REGULATORY MAP, NOT A PREDICTION OF WATER. A parcel outside the mapped floodplain can still flood — the 0.2% band is mapped and shipped as its own label, and pluvial or sewer flooding is not mapped at all. THE ZONE APPLIES TO THE PARCEL'S CENTROID, so a large or irregular lot can be partly in a zone this column does not name. A base flood elevation is published only where FEMA set one, and its absence is not a low risk. Insurance requirements follow the lender and the effective map on the day of closing, which this file is not.

$4.69bn approved, 125 of these loans later charged off, and 113,483 jobs the borrowers said the money would support. Each carries its lender, its rate where the programme publishes one, its term, its trade and its status. SBA releases the file quarterly under FOIA; this is that file, cut to the seven counties by the county SBA records for the project.

Source https://data.sba.gov/dataset/7a-504-foia, U.S. Government Works (public domain).

Verbatim, to the model 8,822 SBA loans approved in this market: 7(a) from FY2020 and 504 from FY2010, $4.69bn approved in total, 125 of them charged off. THE ADDRESS IS THE BORROWER'S, NOT THE SITE'S. SBA publishes no project address, and a borrower address is sometimes a home or an accountant's office. 3,380 of 8,822 (38.3%) resolve to a parcel in our index, which is COMMERCIAL-ONLY — an unplaced loan is usually a real business at an address we do not index, never a business that does not exist. THE TWO PROGRAMMES CARRY DIFFERENT COLUMNS: only 7(a) has an interest rate and a guaranteed amount, only 504 has a third-party lender, and blank means the programme does not publish it rather than zero. A CHARGE-OFF IS THE LENDER'S ACCOUNTING EVENT, not a verdict on the business — it can follow a sale, a restructure or a death, and the business may still be trading.

7,399 counted segments joined onto 14,777 parcel frontages, of which 11,906 are counts somebody took and 2,871 are modelled.

Source MnDOT AADT_SEGMENT_CURRENT and HCAADT_SEGMENT_CURRENT, Minneapolis and Saint Paul.

Verbatim, to the model AADT is average annual daily traffic in both directions on ONE SEGMENT of a street, not a figure for the street. Streets vary enormously along their length — 63.5% of multi-segment streets here differ by 2x or more, and one runs 396x — so a volume belongs to the address it was matched to and must not be read as 'traffic on <street>'. THE COUNT IS NOT NECESSARILY RECENT: MnDOT's field is named CURRENT_VOLUME and the counts joined here are dated 2007 to 2025, with 5.5% of them more than five years old, so always read `traffic_year` beside the number. Heavy-commercial volumes are mostly COMPUTED OR ESTIMATED rather than counted — check `heavy_traffic_basis` before treating one as a measurement. A parcel with no volume is a street MnDOT does not count, never a street with no traffic.

27,242 results over 204 trades and 15 cities, naming 8,716 distinct sites. 77 of those appear for 10 or more trades, and between them they hold 32% of every first page here.

Source Google Search page one via Outscraper, one unpersonalised snapshot, via outscraper /google-search-v3.

Verbatim, to the model ONE UNPERSONALISED SNAPSHOT FROM ONE LOCATION ON ONE DATE. A real search result is personalised, varies by the searcher's exact position, and moves week to week, so a rank here is not the rank any particular person sees. RANK IS NOT TRAFFIC, and absence from page one is not absence of demand. There is no map pack in this file — Google's local 3-pack is not returned by this endpoint, and for many trades it sits above everything measured here, so a business missing from these rows may still be the first thing a searcher sees. Page one is 8 to 9 organic results, not 10. `site_type` IS A CUT ON A MEASUREMENT, NOT A JUDGEMENT ABOUT A COMPANY: it reads market-wide where a site is on page one for 10 or more of the 204 trades measured, which is 5% of them. That threshold is a presentation choice; `reach_trades` carries the underlying count on every row so the cut can be moved without re-pulling. Reach is counted on `site`, the registrable domain, so a listing on m.yelp.com and one on yelp.com are one site; `domain` keeps the exact host shown. A domain we could not name is left blank rather than guessed at — Google returns a redirect stub instead of a URL on a minority of results, clustered by query, and the host is recovered from the result's own description where possible.

193 businesses across 26 cities and 21 sectors, 2009–2026. 31,020 carry written text and 13,562 carry an owner's reply.

Source Google reviews, collected by Brick & Mortar.

In full Excerpts the model quotes are anonymised and are never attributed to a named business. The ranked panel is a subset — see the next row.

75 restaurants, bars, cafes and taprooms, of which 59 carry at least 50 reviews and so can be ranked against. 1,959 negative reviews are sorted into 9 complaint themes; 4,867 owner replies are read for what separates a reply that works from boilerplate.

Source Twin Cities metro and Upper Midwest. Built 2026-08-12.

In full This panel is regional and skews full-service. Complaint patterns, reply behaviour and day-of-week effects travel to other markets; the rating percentiles do not, and are presented as panel figures rather than national ones.

318 kinds of business at the finest federal detail there is (6-digit), five vintages deep (2019 to 2023) — 171 shrank and 134 grew, against 77,102 five years ago.

Source U.S. Census Bureau, County Business Patterns. the seven-county Twin Cities metro.

Verbatim, to the model THESE ARE BUSINESSES WITH A PAYROLL. County Business Patterns excludes the self-employed with no employees, which in trades like photography, graphic design and personal training is most of the people doing the work. Say 'businesses with employees' when the trade is one of those. `avg_pay_per_worker_usd` is total annual payroll divided by employees and INCLUDES the owner if they are on payroll, so it is not an entry-level wage and must never be quoted as one. A null there means the Bureau suppressed the cell to protect an identifiable employer — it does not mean zero, and the honest answer is that it is not published. Percentage changes are measured 2019 to 2023 and that window contains 2020, so read `path` before calling anything a trend: some of these fell in 2020 and recovered, and some have fallen in every single vintage.

Every metro-wide employment contraction since 1990, measured for depth and for how many months it took to get the jobs back — Total Nonfarm, seasonally adjusted by BLS. Alongside it: annual averages 2016-2025; cycle history 1990-present; latest month 2026-06; QCEW sectors 2024.

Source BLS Current Employment Statistics (SM), Local Area Unemployment Statistics, and QCEW.

Verbatim, to the model This is TWO counties' federal data, not one metro's. Every block below is labelled with the county it describes. Hennepin is Minneapolis and the west metro; Ramsey is St. Paul and the east. They are one leasing market and two statistical geographies — quote the county that actually contains the address being discussed, and name it when you do. Figures labelled with the Minneapolis-St. Paul MSA cover sixteen counties across two states and describe neither county on its own.

Full demographic, social and economic profiles at 2020-2024 ACS 5-year, plus working from home and public transit year by year (2010-2024 ACS 1-year, no 2020 survey) — the series that shows how much of the change stuck.

Source U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 2020-2024 ACS 5-year, Data Profiles DP02/DP03/DP05.

In full These are county figures, not neighbourhood ones, and the two counties are quoted separately rather than averaged. Minneapolis is Hennepin; Saint Paul is Ramsey.

15 measures per tract at 2020-2024 ACS 5-year, each shown against the MEDIAN TRACT rather than against a metro figure. This is what the downloadable neighbourhood comparison is built from; the county profiles above are a different grain and a different question.

Source U.S. Census Bureau, 2020-2024 ACS 5-year Data Profiles (DP02, DP03, DP05).

Verbatim, to the model `median_tract` IS THE MEDIAN ACROSS TRACTS, NOT A METRO FIGURE. The median household income of a metro is not the median of its tracts' median incomes, and no arithmetic over published tract medians recovers it — so what is here is the typical tract, and every comparison drawn from it says so. Each figure is a 5-year estimate and carries sampling error the Bureau publishes as a margin; at tract level that margin is wide, and on a small tract it can be a large fraction of the estimate. Cells the Bureau could not estimate are absent rather than zero. Tract boundaries change between decennial cycles, so a geoid is not a permanent name for a neighbourhood.

8 measures per tract for the 2023 reference year, on the same 472 tracts and the same slice as the row above, so one file carries both halves. The pair is the point: the typical tract holds 0.30 jobs per resident, which is the difference between a neighbourhood people sleep in and one they travel to.

Source U.S. Census Bureau, LEHD Origin-Destination Employment Statistics (LODES8), Workplace Area Characteristics, 2023.

Verbatim, to the model A SINGLE BLOCK'S JOBS COUNT IS PROTECTED, NOT MEASURED. The Bureau applies disclosure avoidance to these block-level counts to protect the employers inside them (its own statement on this release: CBDRB-FY21-249), so a block figure is correct for a ring and wrong for a parcel. Every number here is summed to a whole census tract before it is written down — the thinnest sums 4 blocks and the typical one sums 22 — and no block figure is published anywhere. A jobs count set against one named address would be a false fact about that address. THESE ARE JOBS, NOT PEOPLE: someone holding two is counted twice, and the Bureau's primary-jobs file for the same year counts 92.2% as many, so about one job in 13 here is somebody's second. THE WORKPLACE IS THE ONE THE EMPLOYER REPORTED, so a person who works from home is counted at their employer's address, not at their kitchen table — the `works from home` measure beside these on the same file is the check on that, and the two disagree on purpose. The source is administrative wage and federal personnel records, so work outside that system is not in it. THE FOUR SECTOR GROUPS DO NOT ADD TO 100%, and each one sums the Bureau's own NAICS sectors — office jobs: information, finance and insurance, real estate, professional and technical services, management of companies, and administrative, support and waste-management services; shop and cafe jobs: retail trade, and accommodation and food services; health and school jobs: health care and social assistance, and educational services; factory and warehouse: manufacturing, wholesale trade, and transportation and warehousing. Everything else — construction, public administration, other services, arts and recreation, utilities, agriculture and mining — is inside `jobs here` and inside none of the four. Jobs are the 2023 reference year; the resident measures on the same rows are the 2020-2024 ACS 5-year, so one row carries two periods.

The 40th percentile of gross rent for a standard-quality home, which HUD publishes to set housing-voucher payment standards: efficiency $1,242, one-bedroom $1,405, two-bedroom $1,709, three-bedroom $2,262, four-bedroom $2,531.

Source U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Fair Market Rents (FY2026), via the HUD USER API.

Verbatim, to the model FAIR MARKET RENT IS RESIDENTIAL AND IT IS NOT A MARKET RENT. It is the 40th percentile of gross rent for a standard-quality HOME of a given bedroom count, published by HUD to set housing-voucher payment standards. It is not an asking rent, not an average rent, not what any particular landlord charges, and NOT A COMMERCIAL RENT — nothing on this platform answers a commercial rent question, because the counties do not publish commercial building area and there is no denominator for a dollar per square foot. A year-on-year change can be a change in HUD's method rather than in the market. THERE IS ONE FIGURE FOR THIS WHOLE MARKET AND NO FINER GRAIN EXISTS. Every county HUD files inside an FMR area repeats the area's number — all seven of ours return the same figure, and `smallarea_status` is 0, so there is no ZIP-level Small Area FMR here either. A per-county column would be seven identical cells implying seven measurements. AND THE AREA IS NOT THIS MARKET. HUD's Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington, MN-WI HUD Metro FMR Area covers 13 counties across TWO STATES — ours plus Chisago, Isanti, Sherburne and Wright in Minnesota, and Pierce and St. Croix in WISCONSIN. So this benchmark is about a larger place than the rows any of our other layers carry, it is never attached to a parcel or a building, and it is a CONTEXT FIGURE rather than a column. Note also that this is a different geography from the CBSA the subsidised-housing layer measures against: a HUD Metro FMR Area is a modified CBSA and excludes Mille Lacs, which CBSA 33460 includes.

6 kinds of place, from spectral clustering of a k-nearest-neighbour affinity graph over 12 features of the parcel record and the census. The grouping is stable across random seeds (agreement 0.995).

Source 2020-2024 ACS 5-year profile at tract level; boundaries Census cartographic boundary file cb_2024_27_tract_500k; parcels from Hennepin and Ramsey Counties, Minnesota.

Verbatim, to the model THESE ARE SIX GROUPS, NOT SIX NATURAL KINDS, and saying otherwise is the one way to be wrong here. Silhouette is 0.133, which is low, and it is low because a metro is a continuum: the groups are a summary of it, not a discovery of borders inside it. 94 of 467 neighbourhoods genuinely sit BETWEEN two types, and for those the honest answer is 'yours is between these two', never a confident single label. The grouping does not move when the random seed does (agreement 0.995), so the types themselves are real; it is their edges that are soft. Also: the land figure is the county's ASSESSED value per square foot, which its own calibration block puts near 10% under what property actually sells for — say 'assessed' when you quote it.

5,371 road names indexed across 4 subreddits, 2024-01-01 to 2026-08-15; 674 corridors have at least one mention.

Source Public Reddit posts, via the Arctic Shift archive.

Verbatim, to the model This layer is PUBLIC COMMENT, not a record, and it is the only layer here that is not. Every other layer states something a county, an agency or a platform published; this one states that a stranger on Reddit wrote a sentence, on a date, at a link. Treat every line as one unverified opinion and say so — 'someone on r/Minneapolis said in March' is honest, 'people say' is not, and 'reviews of this corridor are negative' is a statistic this layer cannot support. NEVER produce a count, a share, a percentage, a sentiment score or a trend from this layer: it is unknown-n, self-selected, drawn from an archive with acknowledged gaps, and the people who post about a street are not a sample of the people who use it. What you are handed is a CAPPED SAMPLE of what matched, most recent first — not everything that was said, and not a ranking of anything, so never present it as the whole picture or as the loudest voices. NEVER repeat an unverified factual allegation about a NAMED business from this layer — a claim about a named place needs the review corpus or the county, both of which are attributable. And absence means nothing at all: a corridor with no mentions is a corridor nobody happened to post about in the window we read.

346 resolved to a specific parcel by point-in-polygon against the county's own file, 337 carrying a 90-day review pace.

Source Google Places, resolved against the county parcel files. Status checked 2026-08-15.

Verbatim, to the model This layer is STRICTLY POSITIVE. It lists businesses observed at a location. It is NOT an occupancy record and it cannot tell you that anything is empty. Only 273 of this market's 34,596 commercial sites (0.79%) carry an observed occupant, so for more than 99 of every 100 commercial buildings here, having nothing on file is a fact about our coverage and says NOTHING about the building. Never describe a site as vacant, available, empty, or without a tenant on the strength of this layer, and never let a reader infer it. State the coverage whenever you use this layer at all — including when you find nothing. `status` is Google's own published business status and is the only thing that may be used to say a business has closed; where it reads 'unverified' we have not checked, which is not the same as open. Never infer a closure from a quiet review count.

24,706 of 53,690 commercial sites across all seven counties, resolved by point-in-polygon against each county's own parcel file and collapsed to the SITE rather than the parcel. No ratings, no reviews, no hours, and no published operating status.

Source Overture Maps Foundation — places theme, release 2026-08-19.0, CDLA-Permissive-2.0 AND Apache-2.0 — © Overture Maps Foundation. Resolved against the county parcel files.

Verbatim, to the model This layer is STRICTLY POSITIVE. It lists businesses observed at a location. It is NOT an occupancy record and it cannot tell you that anything is empty. 24,706 of this market's 53,690 commercial sites (46.02%) carry an observed business, so for the rest, having nothing on file is a fact about our coverage and says NOTHING about the building. Never describe a site as vacant, available, empty or without a tenant on the strength of this layer, and never let a reader infer it — the temptation is STRONGER at this coverage than at the 1% the previous layer reached, not weaker. `status` is 'unverified' on every row because Overture publishes no operating status: we do not know that any of these is trading today, and `confidence` does NOT mean open — it is Overture's belief that the PLACE EXISTS. There are no ratings, review counts or opening hours here at all. Google Maps and Overture are both listings, not registries: they over-count (duplicate pins, ghost listings, home-based sole traders with a street address) and under-count (anyone with no listing, much of B2B). CBP counts 78,926 employer establishments across these seven counties and the gap between that and this file is real — both are right about different questions.

5,951 businesses on 3,753 commercial sites, from 7 separate registers — food and drink, liquor, licensed care, and Saint Paul's whole business register. Beside them 246 buildings the two cities have registered as vacant or condemned, 116 of them commercial.

Source Saint Paul business register; Minnesota DHS and MDH licensed facility registers; Minneapolis Health Department food licence and inspection register; Minneapolis and Saint Paul liquor licence registers. Vacancies from Saint Paul vacant building register, Minneapolis vacant building registration and condemned-by-boarding lists.

Verbatim, to the model THESE ARE LICENSED TRADES, NOT EVERY BUSINESS. A city licenses what it regulates — food, drink, childcare, adult and health care — and publishes the register. A law office, a print shop, a design studio, a barber or a contractor holds no licence of this kind and appears nowhere here, so an absence is not evidence a building is empty. 5,951 businesses resolve to 4,290 sites, 3,753 of them among this market's 53,690 commercial sites. ONE ROW IS ONE LICENCE, NOT ONE BUSINESS: a city licenses a facility type, so an operator running a deli counter inside a meat market holds two and appears twice with a different type on each — 6,553 licences across 5,951 businesses. STATUS IS CARRIED, NOT FILTERED: these registers contain expired, inactive and pending licences as well as current ones, and a lapse is itself a dated signal — read the status and expiry columns before treating a row as an open business. Saint Paul's business register joins by street address rather than parcel id, so its rows carry `joined_on: address`; every other source joins on the parcel id the licensing office itself published. THE VACANCY FILINGS ARE A FLOOR, NOT A RATE. They are buildings whose owners registered them vacant, or were made to, and they are mostly houses: of 1,047 filings, 109 land on a commercial site. A dark storefront inside an occupied building appears in none of them, and none of this can say a building has no tenant.

124,431 licensed units under 16,104 distinct owner names, 10,995 of them registered to an address away from the property. Both of the city's contact blocks ship — the owner's and the licence applicant's — since the contact rule was struck 2026-08-19.

Source City of Minneapolis, Active Rental Licenses (ArcGIS FeatureServer).

Verbatim, to the model ONE ROW IS ONE LICENCE, not one landlord and not one building: 23,303 licences across 16,104 distinct owner names and 124,431 licensed units. OWNER NAMES ARE UNNORMALISED — two spellings of one company are two owners, and anything grouping by owner must case-fold. THE LARGEST HOLDER IS A PUBLIC AGENCY: Minneapolis Public Housing, which is not the same kind of fact as a private portfolio of that size. `tier` IS THE CITY'S OWN GRADE, shipped uninterpreted — the city assigns it and the mapping to any claim about condition is the city's to state, not ours to infer. MINNEAPOLIS ONLY: Saint Paul publishes no equivalent register, so this is half a metro and no figure from it is metro-wide. `absentee` compares the OWNER's city to Minneapolis and says nothing about how far away they are or whether a local manager is on site. Coordinates are the city's own per-property points, not parcel centroids, so a distance from them and a distance in the parcel-based datasets are measured from slightly different places.

Spread over 5,587 parcels, with 6,001 of the sites still open. 23,973 of the register's 36,549 metro rows are excluded because they are permits and registrations rather than contamination — the largest group being 14,415 hazardous waste generator registrations, which say a business handles a regulated material, not that anything leaked.

Source Minnesota Pollution Control Agency — What's In My Neighborhood.

Verbatim, to the model A PARCEL WITH NO ROW HERE IS NOT A PARCEL WITH NO CONTAMINATION. It is a parcel the MPCA holds no cleanup or tank file for, and absence of a record is not a record of absence — an unreported spill the agency never opened a file on appears nowhere in this or any register. This is a REGISTER SEARCH, which is one input to a Phase I environmental site assessment and not a substitute for one: it holds no historical aerial review, no site walk and no interviews. Read `status` before quoting a row — these files are not all open, and a closed tank removal from decades ago is a materially different fact from an active leak site, though both legitimately appear in a Phase I. The register also holds hazardous-waste GENERATOR registrations and construction stormwater permits, which are regulatory records rather than contamination and are deliberately excluded here — the most common industry in the unfiltered register is dentists' offices, which are on it because of amalgam. `institutional_controls` means a legal restriction is recorded on the property's use; it is a strong signal and it is rare.

Minneapolis incident reports from 2017-01-01 to 2026-08-19, pulled and measured and deliberately not exported. NOT ONE of the 226,909 reports names a street number — the city masks the house number to the hundred block before it publishes, and the map points are block centres: 226,750 located reports share 16,184 coordinates, the busiest carrying 1,739 on its own.

Source Minneapolis Police Department — public incident reports.

Verbatim, to the model THIS LAYER PUBLISHES NO ROWS AND NO NUMBER HERE IS ABOUT ANY ADDRESS. A COUNT OF REPORTED INCIDENTS IS NOT A RATE AND NOT A MEASURE OF RISK: a busy commercial corridor generates more reports than a cul-de-sac because more people are on it, so a raw count ranks footfall and a reader will read it as danger. A REPORT IS NOT A CONVICTION — this is what was reported to and recorded by one police department, and reporting rates differ systematically between neighbourhoods, so a quiet block may be a quiet block or a block whose residents do not call. AN INCIDENT NEAR AN ADDRESS IS NOT AN INCIDENT AT THAT BUSINESS: Minneapolis masks every address to the hundred block before publishing, not one of these reports names a street number, and the coordinates are block centroids shared by as many as 1,739 reports at a single point. THE OFFENCE MIX WILL MISLEAD YOU — vehicle-related theft is the largest share of this file by far, so a total quoted without saying what is in it describes car break-ins while sounding like it describes violence. The feed is MUNICIPAL: it stops at the Minneapolis city line, so it can no more see an incident in Anoka than a Minneapolis licence register can see a restaurant there, and silence outside the city is ground nobody looked at.

On 8,920 of the 17,007 commercial sites in Minneapolis and Saint Paul, issued 2020-01-02 to 2026-08-17, with 3,137 named contractors.

Source Minneapolis CCS_Permits — Community Planning and Economic Development; Saint Paul Approved_Building_Permits — Department of Safety and Inspections.

Verbatim, to the model A PERMIT IS PERMITTED WORK, NOT FINISHED WORK, AND A ROW IS NOT A PROJECT. One job pulls a building permit, a plumbing permit and a mechanical permit, so counting rows and calling them projects triples a single renovation: 47,764 permits stand on 42,501 site-days across 9,005 commercial sites. THERE IS NO METRO-WIDE INVESTMENT FIGURE HERE AND ONE CANNOT BE BUILT. Minneapolis publishes no permit value at all — the column exists in its schema and is empty on every one of its 403,526 rows — so `value_usd` is Saint Paul's column, populated on 18,162 rows, and null for every Minneapolis permit. `fees_usd` is the fee Minneapolis charged, which is not the cost of the job and must never be read as one. THE TRADE MIX WILL MISLEAD YOU: plumbing and mechanical permits outnumber structural ones (32,240 to 14,396) even on commercial parcels, so a wave of boiler replacements reads as an investment cycle unless you read the `trade` column or take the structural scope. COMMERCIAL HERE MEANS ON A COMMERCIAL PARCEL, by our own spatial index, because only Minneapolis labels a permit commercial and its two fields for it disagree, while Saint Paul has no such field — a filter built on the permit's own words would have deleted one of the two cities and still looked like it worked. `work` and `kind` carry each office's own vocabulary verbatim and `city` says which office wrote the row; only `trade` is normalised. MINNEAPOLIS PUBLISHES ONE ROW PER PARCEL, NOT PER PERMIT: one roof job on a 510-parcel apartment complex arrives as 510 identical rows, so 54,222 rows were collapsed onto the building they belong to, and a fee summed over the raw rows would have overstated that one job 510-fold. Permits issued 2020-01-02 to 2026-08-17. THIS FILE STARTS AT 2020-01-01 AND THE REGISTERS GO BACK FURTHER: 39,329 older permits, back to 2015-06-30, are held out to keep the export function inside its memory limit — not because they are worse data, and the raw pages for all of them are cached.

293 carry a subsidy contract end date, the earliest 2026-06-30 and the latest 2046-02-28. The three layers are a tax-credit restriction on a private building, an active federal rental-assistance contract, and public housing stock a local authority runs — Public housing: 685 properties, 6,323 subsidised units; Rental-assistance contract (project-based): 297 properties, 22,232 subsidised units; Tax-credit restricted (LIHTC): 518 properties, 36,562 subsidised units.

Source U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development — LIHTC property database, Multifamily Assisted properties, and Public Housing buildings; LIHTC published 2024-12-09, MULTIFAMILY_PROPERTIES_ASSISTED published 2026-07-21, Public_Housing_Buildings published 2026-07-21.

Verbatim, to the model THREE HUD PROGRAMMES, AND THEIR UNIT COUNTS MUST NOT BE ADDED UP. A tax-credit (LIHTC) unit is an affordability restriction on a private building; a project-based contract unit is federal rental assistance with an expiry date; a public housing unit is stock a local authority owns and runs. `program_family` says which, the totals are reported per family, and AT LEAST 121 of 1,500 properties appear in more than one layer — `also_in` names the others — so a sum across families would count those buildings twice. At least, because the overlap is matched on the address HUD standardised and 169 rows have none: a scattered-site project has no single doorway to match on. A BLANK IS A CELL HUD WOULD NOT DISCLOSE, NEVER A ZERO. HUD ships a NEGATIVE number in the household columns of a property it will not report on; 7,535 such cells were discarded here rather than published as -4% or -$4, and a sum over one of those columns would have been pulled down by every one of them. Only 297 of 1,500 properties carry a household block at all, and the missing ones are not a broken join: HUD collects no occupancy reporting against the LIHTC register, and it suppresses the block on the many public housing buildings too small to report without identifying somebody. A PIN IS NOT ALWAYS A BUILDING. HUD's own LIHTC service says its locations are the general location of a project rather than its buildings, and measured that is 26.1% of those rows sharing a point with another property against about 2% on the other two layers. `location_grain` says which kind of pin each row carries. THE GEOGRAPHY IS OUR SEVEN COUNTIES, NOT HUD'S METRO, AND THEY ARE NOT THE SAME FOOTPRINT. HUD attributes properties to CBSA 33460, Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington, MN-WI, which reaches into Wisconsin: of the 635 properties HUD calls this metro, 117 — 18.4% — are outside this market, in Chisago, Isanti, Mille Lacs, Pierce, Sherburne, St. Croix, Wright. Any HUD figure published at metro grain is about that larger area, so this file is cut to the seven counties and no metro-level HUD figure is carried forward. THIS IS THE FEDERALLY SUBSIDISED STOCK AND NOT EVERY AFFORDABLE HOME: a city inclusionary unit, a state-only programme and a privately owned rental that is simply cheap are all absent. IT IS ALSO NOT A RENT. HUD's rent benchmark is Fair Market Rent, it is RESIDENTIAL, it is published for a metro rather than a building, and it is a separate file — nothing here is a commercial rent or can stand in for one.

On 968 named streets in Minneapolis, opened 2015-01-05 to 2026-08-19 — 713 of the 776 named runs the assessor places inside the city. The street each call sits on is read from the city's own centrelines rather than guessed at.

Source Minneapolis Public_311_2015 … Public_311_2026 — twelve annual services, Minneapolis 311; Minneapolis MPLS_Centerline — the city's own street centrelines, used to name the street a call sits on.

Verbatim, to the model A CALL IS NOT A CONDITION. These are service requests Minneapolis residents and staff phoned or typed in, so every count here measures WHO CALLED. A street with few calls may be a quiet street or a street whose residents do not call the city, and those are systematically different neighbourhoods — silence in this file is a fact about reporting behaviour and about our pull, never about the condition of the street. THE FINEST GRAIN HERE IS THE STREET, NOT THE BUILDING, AND THAT IS A PROPERTY OF THE DATA. The 783,884 located calls stand on only 12,857 distinct coordinates — a median of 43 calls share one point — because the city locates a request to a block, not to an address. So a count is published for a whole named street inside Minneapolis and never for a parcel, an address or a business: attributing a block's parking and graffiti complaints to one named storefront would be a false fact about that storefront. THE MIX WILL MISLEAD YOU. `Vehicles and Commuting` alone is 27.7% of the file, so a total that does not say what is in it turns a parking-enforcement push into a neighbourhood in decline. `top_311_request` ships beside every count for that reason, and this is a COUNT, not a rate: a busy commercial street draws more calls because more people are on it, and the honest denominator — how many people might have called — is not in this file. SOME CALLS ARE FILED WHERE THE CITY ANSWERS THEM, NOT WHERE THEY HAPPENED, AND ON THIS BUILD THAT DECIDES THE TOP OF THE RANKING. 17TH AVE N is the busiest street here with 10,182 calls, of which 9,012 — 88.5% — stand on a SINGLE coordinate, and Animal Control accounts for 9,155 of them: the city's own facility for that service is on that street, so the record describes an office and not a neighbourhood. `busiest_point_calls` ships on every street so this is visible rather than inferred, and it is read as an ABSOLUTE count and not a share — a short street with one block legitimately carries all its calls on one point, which is why the median street already sits at 38.8%. 148,609 of 932,497 calls (15.94%) carry no coordinate at all AND THE GAP IS NOT RANDOM: it runs at 47.0% on Traffic against under 1% on some others, and it steps from about 5.5% a year to about 19.5% at 2020 when the city changed systems. Every figure here describes the located subset. MINNEAPOLIS ONLY. The feed stops at the city line, so a street outside Minneapolis has no calls in this file rather than no complaints, and the other six counties of this market publish nowhere in it. Calls opened 2015-01-05 to 2026-08-19; 2026 IS A PARTIAL YEAR and must not be compared with a whole one. The street a call is attributed to is read from the CITY'S OWN street centreline file rather than guessed at: the 311 coordinates sit on those centrelines, 2 ft covering 99% of them, and only 4 calls in twelve years fell beyond the 250 ft cap and were dropped rather than attached to a street they may not be on.

Across the 87 neighbourhoods Minneapolis draws, 2020-08-20 to 2026-08-20, with the neighbourhood on each call read from the city's own spatial join rather than matched by name. 1,269,575 went to police, 333,491 to fire and EMS and 43,595 to the behavioral crisis team. The city dedicates this feed to the public domain under CC0.

Source City of Minneapolis, Incidents_Reported_911 — every 911 call from the public that was dispatched, ArcGIS FeatureServer, CC0-1.0; City of Minneapolis, Minneapolis_Neighborhoods — 87 neighbourhood polygons, used for the parcel join in neighbourhood_join.json.

Verbatim, to the model A CALL IS NOT A CRIME, A COUNT IS NOT A RATE, AND THIS IS MINNEAPOLIS ONLY. Every row is a 911 call somebody made, not an offence anybody was charged with — 27.8% of calls carry no disposition at all, and of the business alarms that do, more are marked false than any other outcome. A busy neighbourhood generates more calls because more people are in it, so ranking neighbourhoods by count ranks footfall; `vs_city` compares this neighbourhood's MIX against the city's and is the only figure here that is self-denominating. There is no address in the source: the city snaps every coordinate to a street centerline, so nothing in this file can be attached to a building, and the neighbourhood is the finest grain that exists. Minneapolis only — the 87 polygons tile one city inside a seven-county market, and Ramsey County's equivalent feed cannot be joined to it.

Units authorised across 2016–2025, counted in UNITS rather than permits — one permit can authorise a two-hundred-unit building. Alongside it, 54,163 establishments in the two counties (2023).

Source U.S. Census Bureau, Building Permits Survey — county tables only.

In full The partial current year is excluded: six months added to ten full years reads as eleven and is a span no source publishes. And this is a different agency from the city permit desks above, counting a different thing — housing units authorised across a whole county, not job cards on a parcel. The two are a check on each other and are never added together.

Every address the seven counties wrote onto a parcel — 974,874 of them across 33,635 streets, drawn from 1,131,534 parcels — carried as the parcel's own centre point so a radius has somewhere to measure from. Residential included, which is most of it. It is NOT a geocoder: these are addresses an assessor's office assigned, so a match is exact and a miss means the counties do not write that address, rather than that we guessed and missed. 524,875 of the addresses also carry the census tract whose boundary contains them, and 103,111 the Minneapolis neighbourhood, both by point-in-polygon rather than by nearest centre — those two disagree often enough to matter, and the nearest-centre answer is a real profile for somebody else's block.

Source County assessor parcel files for the seven metro counties via MetroGIS (addresses and parcel centroids); U.S. Census Bureau cb_2024_27_tract_500k (tracts); City of Minneapolis Minneapolis_Neighborhoods (neighbourhoods).

Verbatim, to the model A RESIDENTIAL ADDRESS RESOLVES AS A CENTRE, NOT A SUBJECT. There is no parcel id in this file, on purpose: it exists so a visitor can point the platform at where they live, not so the platform can answer questions about their house. Coordinates are the county's parcel CENTROID at 1e-5 degrees (~1.1 m) — a centroid is not a door, and on a large site it sits several hundred feet from the entrance. Tracts cover Hennepin and Ramsey only (that is where census-tracts has ACS profiles); neighbourhoods cover Minneapolis only (the 87 polygons tile one city). An address outside those scopes carries no area, which is a fact about the layer's reach, not about the address.

868,232 addresses across 66,159 streets in 49 counties outside the metro, published by each county's own addressing authority and compiled by the state. This is what lets a visitor in Duluth or St Cloud point the site at themselves at all — before it, every scope on this platform was a seven-county scope, and the one statewide file we hold had to tell people to filter by city instead. It is the same promise as the row above and no more: a point to measure from, with no parcel, no owner and no valuation on the path.

Source Minnesota Geospatial Information Office (MnGeo), Address Points compiled from opt-in open counties — the counties' own addressing authorities.

Verbatim, to the model A POINT, NOT A SUBJECT, AND NOT A PARCEL. These records carry no parcel id, no owner and no value, by the same design as the metro residential index: they exist so a visitor outside the Twin Cities can point the platform at where they are, not so the platform can answer questions about their building. COVERAGE IS OPT-IN AND IS NOT THE WHOLE STATE. MnGeo compiles counties that choose to publish; 49 counties outside the metro are in this file and the rest of Minnesota's 87 are absent — an address that does not resolve is a fact about which counties opted in, never a claim that the address is not real. THE LOCATABLE FOOTPRINT IS NARROWER STILL: the statewide parcel layer covers a different 59 counties, and only 53 have both, so a county present here may still have no parcel rows to return. Nothing is interpolated along a street.

Every healthcare business in the state holding an ACTIVE federal provider number: clinics, home care agencies, nursing homes, pharmacies, dental practices, medical transport — 495 provider types in all, at the address each one practises from. ONE ROW IS ONE PROVIDER NUMBER RATHER THAN ONE BUSINESS — CMS issues a hospital a separate number for critical access, swing beds and rural health, and one health system holds 16 at a single address — so these are 25,624 distinct organisation names at 23,988 addresses. All of them carry an Authorized Official, which makes this the only layer here that puts a named human beside a business at scale, and 9,812 also carry the other names they trade under — the bridge from a shopfront name to the legal one no other register here can cross.

Source NPPES — the CMS National Plan and Provider Enumeration System monthly full replacement file (download.cms.gov/nppes/), with provider types named from the NUCC Health Care Provider Taxonomy code set 251. 2026-08 full file.

Verbatim, to the model ONE ROW IS ONE PROVIDER NUMBER, NOT ONE BUSINESS. CMS enumerates a service line, so a hospital holds a separate NPI for critical access, for its swing beds and for rural health, and one health system holds 16 at a single address. These 32,257 rows are 25,624 distinct organisation names at 23,988 addresses — count rows and you overstate the number of healthcare businesses in Minnesota by a quarter. PROVIDERS WITH A FEDERAL NPI ONLY. This is the CMS national registry, so a provider who bills Minnesota on a state-issued UMPI and never obtained an NPI is not in it at all — Housing Stabilization Services providers are the case that matters, and none of them are here. Do not read this as every healthcare provider in Minnesota. AND IT CANNOT ENUMERATE A STATE PROGRAMME. All 495 taxonomy codes on this cut describe what a provider DOES, and not one of them is a Minnesota enrolment — there is no code for HSS, EIDBI, ICS or IHS, and no combination of them approximates one. A question about who is enrolled in a state programme has to be asked of DHS. The Authorized Official is the person who signed for the organisation's NPI, which CMS requires and publishes. For a single-site clinic that is usually the owner; for a chain it is one compliance officer filed against every site — 32,257 registrations here carry 21,486 distinct names, and the most frequent one signs for 190. Read it as a signatory, never as an owner. Rows are where a provider PRACTISES: 2,294 of these practise in Minnesota and take their mail out of state, and a further 4,346 organisations take their mail in Minnesota but practise elsewhere and are deliberately absent. 5 rows carry no legal business name, because CMS does not always hold one. NPPES records what a provider last told CMS, so an organisation that closed without deactivating its NPI still looks active here.